Kyaw Zaw Moe: Mingalarbar! Myanmar is home to the world’s
longest-running civil war, and efforts are still being made to achieve peace.
Why is peace so elusive? What are the main hurdles at present? Will there be a
breakthrough? As vice chairman of the Chin National Front, Salai Lian Hmung has
personally participated in the peace process from the very beginning. He held a
frank discussion on the topic with me, Kyaw Zwa Moe of The Irrawaddy.
Civil war
broke out even before our country regained independence in 1948, but let’s
recap the developments of the past few years. Before State Counselor Daw Aung
San Suu Kyi’s government came to power, efforts were made to achieve peace
between the government, the Tatmadaw (Myanmar’s military) and the ethnic armed
groups under the U Thein Sein government. There were high expectations when Daw
Aung San Suu Kyi came to power. The new government has been in office for two
years now. What are the barriers to peace today?
Salai Lian Hmung: The main barrier that we see today is the same one that we
have faced since independence. [Modern] Myanmar is built on the Panglong
Agreement. The agreement states that this country shall be built on the Union
[federal] system. Till today, the Union system that the Panglong Agreement
envisioned still hasn’t been established. Following the Panglong Agreement, we
got independence on Jan. 4, 1948. The independence declaration clearly states
that the country shall practice a democratic system. It has been 70 years now,
and neither of these has been realized. Neither democracy nor the Union system
has fully materialized. We still face this problem today.
The
Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement [NCA], which was signed under then President [U]
Thein Sein’s government, can address the root cause of this problem. Paragraph
1 of the NCA states that a Union based on the principles of democracy and
federalism will be established. This is the way forward to peace, I think. But
the NCA doesn’t define democracy and federalism, and we have agreed to define
them in political dialogues. We’ve held political dialogues based on the NCA.
It has been three years now and there is still no answer.
KZM: Daw Aung San Suu Kyi organized peace talks, which she
dubbed the “21st Century Panglong.” Two rounds of peace talks have been held.
And the third round has been postponed again and again. Why is it so difficult
to hold? What are the underlying obstacles?
SLH: In my opinion, the only underlying obstacle is a lack of
trust.
KZM: Trust between…
SLH: Between the government and the Tatmadaw, and between the
Tatmadaw and the ethnic armed groups. There is still no trust between these
three parties. Let’s take a look at what has caused this. For example, the NCA
ensures democracy and federalism with a full guarantee of democratic rights,
national equality and self-determination. But when we hold discussions and talk
about the terms “democratic rights,” “national equality” and
“self-determination,” we find that there are differences in our definitions.
This is quite natural because we have been clashing for 70 years.
Ethnic
armed groups have concerns and so does the Tatmadaw. There is a need for both
sides to understand each other’s concerns. Ethnic armed groups should try to
understand and alleviate the concerns of the Tatmadaw. Similarly, the government
and the Tatmadaw should try to understand what we ethnicities have been
demanding for more than 70 years through armed struggle, and try to understand
these concerns. Now, both sides are only talking about their own demands, and
not about the other’s concerns. Both sides have concerns about what will happen
after the establishment of a Union based on the principles of democracy and
federalism.
KZM: Yes, as you’ve said, it is necessary to build trust. But
how many points at the [peace] talks are the two sides arguing over for the
time being?
SLH: There are many. But basically, there are two [main]
points, I’d say. The peace process can be approached in two ways. The first is
a bottom-up approach, and the second is a top-down approach. I have found that
there are more problems with the bottom-up approach. Ethnic armed revolutionary
organizations demand that public consultations be held. The peace process can’t
be completed without public participation. The [peace] agreement will not last
long if it is signed without considering the wishes of the people. Therefore,
we strongly demand public participation and organized public consultations. In
the second stage, national-level political dialogues will be held. Ethnic armed
groups have to consult with the public. We hold national-level political
dialogues in three ways to be able to represent the entire people. We’ve agreed
that national-level political dialogues be held based on ethnicity, region and
theme.
But the
problem is that…I’m not trying to assign blame, but looking at it objectively,
the Union Peace Dialogue Joint Committee [UPDJC] is a key committee [in the
peace process]. The committee has failed to do certain things that we agreed
on. We can’t blame one side for this. At the meetings, participants agree on
certain decisions, but once they get out of the meeting hall, they define those
decisions differently. It results from a lack of trust, I think. For example,
the UPDJC meeting held in October 2016 agreed that national-level political
dialogues be held in regions where NCA signatories are ready. But then
restrictions were placed on the venues for the dialogues and they said that
dialogues could be held in only three places.
KZM: Who put these restrictions in place?
SLH: Mainly the government and the Tatmadaw.
KZM: You mean both of them?
SLH: I just identified them separately here. Usually, we refer
to ourselves as a group of ethnic armed revolutionary organizations, and we
refer to them — the government, Tatmadaw and Parliament — collectively. The
political parties constitute another group.
KZM: Everyone knows that the government and the Tatmadaw do not
have the same stance on the peace process. Some restrictions have been made by
the government, and some by the Tatmadaw.
SLH: Speaking frankly, one example is the RCSS [Restoration
Council of Shan State]’s plan to organize a national-level political dialogue.
The UPDJC meeting agreed that it would be held in Langkho Township. The RCSS
wanted to hold preliminary public consultations in 20 places. The government
issued notices and instructed the state- and township-level government staff to
assist the RCSS in holding public consultations. I heard that after the RCSS
held public consultations in 14 of the 20 places, military officials in the
concerned areas barred them in the six remaining places. So, public
consultations were only held in 14 townships and could not be held in the six
others. And the national-level political dialogue could not be held in Langkho.
This is the problem with the bottom-up approach.
We reached
a deadlock over the package deal at the previous 21st Century Panglong session.
We ethnic groups demanded national equality, self-determination and federalism,
and the Tatmadaw demanded a guarantee [from us] not to secede from the Union.
This is not a technical problem, but a political problem. General Aung San
agreed to the separation of the Chin, Kachin and Shan, when the Panglong
Agreement was signed and when the 1947 Constitution was drafted. And the Shan
and Karenni got the right to secede. They got it not because of federal
principles or a federal system. It was the result of a political give and take
[by Gen Aung San]—to persuade [the ethnic states] to join [Burma proper in
achieving independence] with an option for separation. Federalism is about
integration. But whether or not that integration will allow the right to secede
is a political issue. Those in the [Union peace-making] work committee,
secretarial board and UPDJC hold discussions from the technical perspective of
established norms of federalism and democracy. But the problem is not about the
norms of federalism or democracy. It is about political agreement. We can’t
make political decisions based on a technical perspective. The work committee
can’t find an answer from a technical perspective.
KZM: So the decisions must be made by the leaders?
SLH: It is time that the leaders hold face-to-face negotiations
and have the courage to decide what is best for the interests and the future of
this country and what is most important for all ethnicities. In so doing, it is
important that the government and Tatmadaw speak with the same voice.
The problem
is that it seems that we have to negotiate with two “governments” [the National
League for Democracy-led government and the Myanmar Army]. We can’t negotiate
with two governments. There must be only one government in the country. Daw
Aung San Suu Kyi represents the government and chairs the UPDJC. She and the
army chief should hold talks and tell us exactly what they can accept, and what
they can’t. The ethnicities have presented most of their principles regarding
democracy and federalism to them, and presented them to the whole country as
well. They should look and speak with the same voice about what they can
accept, what they can’t, what they will take time to consider.
KZM: But in reality, does the political landscape allow for
this?
SLH: Unfortunately we still don’t have such a political
landscape. So I’d like to request that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the army chief
provide decisive leadership for the peace process. And the leaders of the
ethnic armed revolutionary organizations should also act decisively.
KZM: Speaking of the demands of the Tatmadaw and the ethnic
armed groups, the former has said it will not allow secession. The ethnic armed
groups make three demands. Do they seek to demand secession?
SLH: No, they don’t.
KZM: If that’s the case, what is their major demand and what is
the main misunderstanding between the two sides?
SLH: Here, I need to talk a little bit about history. We
ethnicities have consistently demanded what is guaranteed in the Panglong
Agreement, especially paragraphs 5 and 7. We also presented those demands to
the Frontier Area Enquiry Committee [formed by the British to gauge opinions in
the highland regions on the topic of gaining independence together with Burma
proper]. [Our demands] were enshrined in the 1947 Constitution. But this was
not comprehensive and we pressed our demands again at the 1961 Taunggyi
Conference. We discussed them again in Parliament in 1962. All the demands that
the ethnicities have had all along can be summarized in three words: democracy,
equality, and self-determination. Only the Union system can provide a
Constitution that guarantees all three of these. A unitary state system
doesn’t. So, a federal Union system is a must to meet all these demands. This
is all we ask for.
Regarding
secession, we ethnicities held a high-level conference in 2005. At that time,
senior ethnic leaders were still alive. The conference was attended by key
leaders such as KNU [Karen National Union] chairman General Mya, and other top
Shan, Chin and Karenni leaders. The conference reviewed all the fundamental
principles on which the Union was established. There were 10 fundamental
principles we reviewed. We accepted that if a federal Union is to be
established, ethnicities should have the right to decide freely whether or not
to join it. Coming together should be a process of voluntary association. This
was one of the principles. When we talked about this, senior leaders responded
that it had been 50 years—now it has been 70 years—that ethnicities have lived
together in the country, and therefore the principle should no longer be about
“coming together” but “holding together.”
Secondly,
Gen Aung San gave us the right to secede in order to protect our rights. But
the reality after we gained independence is that this right does not serve to
protect our interests; to the contrary, it denies our interests. I say this
because we were criticized whenever we presented our demands. When we talked
about unity, it was treated as if it was nothing. Whenever we presented demands
for ethnic rights and constitutional rights, we were criticized. Along the way,
the right to secede denies our rights, rather than protects them. So, we
decided at the 2005 conference to drop the demand for the right to secede. The
implicit meaning of this right is equality and self-determination. So, we
decided to forcefully demand those and not to demand the right to secede any
longer. As a result, in my opinion, there was political progress over time, and
we were finally invited to peace talks by [then] President [U] Thein Sein’s
government. He told us that we could make any demand with two exceptions:
secession and anything that violates sovereignty.
KZM: So, he called for “holding together?”
SLH: Yes. He said we were not allowed to demand secession, but
we could demand other things. And we were not allowed to violate sovereignty,
but were given other allowances. We ethnicities stopped demanding the right to
secede in 2005 and President [U] Thein Sein also created conditions. This is
how the peace process got started.
KZM: That was why the ethnicities joined the peace process….
SLH: Yes, it was. The [21st Century Panglong] peace conference
last year failed to make progress. The RCSS was still not able to hold a
national-level dialogue. They are right when they say they have to consult with
the public to decide important matters. We [the other ethnic groups] accepted
that what the RCSS said is reasonable. So, we did not talk about our three
demands at the conference. Nor did we talk about the Tatmadaw’s demand that we
don’t secede from the country.
KZM: So, this was one of the factors that brought the peace
talks to a deadlock.
SLH: It was the main factor.
KZM: You said the Tatmadaw has concerns, and asked that [the
ethnic regions] not secede from the country. So, they have concerns that
[ethnic regions] may secede.
SLH: Yes, they do.
KZM: There
are dozens of ethnic armed groups. Some have signed the NCA, some haven’t, and
some are still fighting [the Tatmadaw]. Are there any groups that are likely to
secede?
SLH: This question should be asked of each individual group.
What I can say on behalf of them collectively is [to reiterate] the results of
the 2005 conference. The eight principles adopted at the conference were
reviewed in 2016 and reaffirmed at the peace conference. I can only talk about
those principles. Regarding the Tatmadaw’s concerns, it is worth considering
what one military officer said. He said those who were born and became military
officers after the Revolutionary Council took power [in 1962] have been taught
their whole lives that federalism is about separation. So, they are really
afraid of it. According to their understanding, self-determination is
independence. They are also afraid of that. Their definition of equality and
our definition of equality are different. He said the Tatmadaw is ready to
fulfill those three demands in response to the needs of the country and the
peace process. But then, he asked, shouldn’t the Tatmadaw be able to demand
non-separation to ease its concerns?
KZM: They do have concerns.
SLH: They have such concerns because of the civil war that has
been going on in the country for 70 years. We can’t tell them not to worry.
They have concerns on their mind. We have to address those concerns by building
trust over time. We can’t build trust just by talking. We have to take
practical actions. Their concerns will ease when they see the fruits of
practicing the federal principles of national equality and self-determination.
And our concerns will also ease. Gradually and finally, concerns and
suspicions will be dispelled and [the peace process] will be put on the right
track. By “right track,” I mean democracy and federalism. In my opinion, there
will be no big disputes between the two sides if we approach democracy and federalism
without suspicion and we can build the country based on the wishes of the
people.
KZM: When people talk about federalism and democracy, it is
said that democracy survives in Myanmar because there were free and fair
elections in 2012 and 2015. But it could also be said that only a partial
democracy can be enjoyed under the military-drafted Constitution. It is also
too early to predict what kind of federalism will emerge from the current
situation. Let’s consider the thinking of our national leaders. Former
President U Thein Sein talked about these two concepts, federalism and
democracy, as opening the door for peace. How do they understand these
concepts? The government of State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi declared in
its manifesto that it would build a federal democratic union. Every president
talks about federalism and democracy when taking office. How are they different
in essence?
SLH: It is difficult to say they are different in essence. I
can’t see any difference because we have to go back to the Declaration of
Independence and the Panglong Agreement when it comes to reconstruction of the
country. Without democracy and federalism, it is impossible to reconstruct the
country. Taking lessons from world history, the best federal system in the
world was that of the Soviet Union. It was a really great federal system; that
of Yugoslavia was similar. However, the Soviet federal system only lasted 70
years before collapsing because it was not accompanied by democracy, and had to
survive under communism. Therefore, democracy is indispensable to federalism.
Democracy alone is not sufficient either. We had a democratic system from
independence in the late 1940s until the early 1960s. The ethnic minorities had
already started their armed struggles, their revolutions. Civil war erupted
because federalism had not been adopted. Therefore, democracy and federalism
must be adopted simultaneously. Neither of them can take priority over the
other. I think they work in tandem. Both of them must be adopted to their full extent
simultaneously.
KZM: Some ethnic armed organizations [EAOs] have already signed
the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement [NCA], while others, like the Northern
Alliance, have not. There are many other groups that have not signed the NCA.
This is because they have their own individual problems. The government and the
Tatmadaw [Myanmar’s military] seem to have adopted two different approaches in
dealing with ethnic armed groups. Violent methods are used to deal with
non-signatories, with fighting continuing there. What are the stances of the
two groups? How can they survive? Both the government and the military have
been pressuring ethnic armed groups to sign the NCA. The NCA was drafted by the
ethnic armed groups, wasn’t it?
SLH: I believe the NCA is the only mechanism for conducting the
current peace process and political dialogue.
KZM: And they can’t reject it?
SLH: Right, because they would have to continue fighting and
that would be very dangerous. If they choose other means, the NCA is the only
mechanism that will allow them to lay down arms temporarily while ways and
means are sought through political dialogue. If we can find a solution through
that process, we can join hands permanently without war, and peace will
prevail. If, however, we fail to find a solution, it can’t help. Through the
NCA, we are seeking peace in any way possible. Without the NCA, we will have to
negotiate while fighting. That is very dangerous. I don’t think that should
happen. So I think that every group should take the NCA path. No one, including
the government and the ethnic armed groups, should deviate from the NCA path. I
would like to urge all ethnic armed groups that have not signed the NCA to do
so.
KZM: But what do you think the military and the government
should do to persuade them to sign the NCA?
SLH: For ethnic armed groups that have not signed the NCA to
sign it and take part in the peace process, the first and most important thing
is that the NCA must be strictly observed. Second, it is necessary to work
according to a political dialogue framework based on the NCA. Third, both sides
must follow the decisions of the Union Peace Dialogue Joint Committee [UPDJC],
which was formed to implement the peace process, and work towards them. Only
when we can act freely and peacefully in accordance with the framework and the
political roadmap will the ethnic armed organizations that have not signed the
NCA trust it. However, despite being signatories to the NCA, framework
agreement, and bilateral agreements, we do not have complete freedom to hold
public consultations. We can’t even hold national-level political dialogues in
complete freedom. We have such difficulties. If the government truly wants
peace, why are they worrying about our public consultations? Why don’t they
want us to hold public consultations? What should they do if they truly want
peace and trust the public?
KZM: The government permitted national-level political
dialogues in the areas controlled by the RCSS [Restoration Council of Shan
State]. It permitted national-level political dialogues in 14 places, but
military officers blocked them in six places. Don’t such acts violate the terms
of the UPDJC and the NCA?
SLH: Right. We discussed whether to hold national dialogues
previously. We held a conference in May 2017. Actually, It has been a year
since we last held a conference, but we have been working without a break. We
reviewed the entire framework. We reviewed and amended it. We also reviewed the
implementation of the NCA and its interpretation. In my opinion, we have come
closer to the [positions of] the Tatmadaw and the government. The Tatmadaw and
the government have also come closer. We have come closer to all the political
parties too.
KZM: Really? Is that true?
SLH: We have come closer together in terms of the technical
interpretation of the framework and reviewing the implementation of the NCA.
Whether it is true or not depends on the outcomes of the upcoming [Third
Session of the Panglong Peace] conference.
KZM: For the non-signatories to sign the NCA, the government
and the military are required to observe the terms of the NCA and permit the
holding of national-level political dialogues. Some Tatmadaw officers ordered
them blocked. EAOs feel that they have to negotiate with two “governments”. Has
the government failed to persuade the Tatmadaw and explain the situation
clearly? Does it lack the capacity to do that?
SLH: You had better ask the government.
KZM: You are working mainly with the leadership of the
government’s Peace Commission. The commission includes Dr. Tin Myo Win and
others. They have negotiated with the leadership of the Tatmadaw and EAOs. Is
their capacity in question?
SLH: I don’t know the details of that, but the leaders are
trying very hard and working tirelessly. As for their capacity, the post of Dr.
Tin Myo Win was held by U Aung Min in the previous government. As far as I am
concerned, [U Aung Min] was able to speak on behalf of the government or the
president. When we talked with the president, we could trust what he said, as
he was able to convey the views of the Tatmadaw. Another factor is that there
was the MPC [Myanmar Peace Center], which was made up of ministers like U Aung
Min and about 10 Ph.D.-holders. It was a strong team. It had a workforce of
about 140 staff. When we needed them, they could come to us at once. Frankly
speaking, we have lost a lot of this capacity. You can go and see how many
staff are assigned to the NRPC [National Reconciliation and Peace Center] now.
If U Aung Min was not able to come to the MPC, then other ministers or other
UPDJC members — or at least leading members of the MPC and experts — were
available. There were many other advantages. For example, we were able to sign
the NCA within 17 months. The NCCT [Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination
Team] and the government needed to officially meet only seven times, though
there were several informal meetings. However, there were really many
informal meetings because we needed them to find a solution. However, since the
new government took office, it has been difficult to make bargains at formal
meetings. We talk about policies at formal meetings, and our policies are in
conflict. At informal meetings, we can negotiate policies.… It is easier to
find solutions at informal meetings without any cameras. Now, they have started
to hold informal meetings as we demanded. They contribute a lot to the
political and security sectors. Without informal meetings, it would be difficult
to hold the upcoming [peace] conference in July.
KZM: Looking at this issue, it could be said that the capacity
and human resources for peace talks have declined during the term of the
government of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. When we look back at the time of U Aung
Min, the situation was politically advantageous because the country was ruled
by formers generals. U Thein Sein is a former general.
SLH: We only had to negotiate with one government.
KZM: U Aung Min himself is a former general. However, the current
government and the Tatmadaw are completely different from them.
SLH: I
don’t know if I am speaking too frankly here. The Tatmadaw and the government
should not be two disconnected bodies. [Tatmadaw] commander-in-chief Senior
General Min Aung Hlaing and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi must have met with each other.
Senior Tatmadaw officers and people like Dr. Tin Myo Win must have met
regularly. It would be better if they could set policies together after their
meetings. I am not talking technically about where and when the meetings take
place. They should discuss policies that will really solve the problems of the
nation.
KZM: As we have just said, some are not concerned with
technical issues but with political decisions. In such cases, if the
interpretations of federalism by the Tatmadaw and the government are different,
it may create new problems.
SLH: We all come from different backgrounds. As we are
negotiating from different historical backgrounds, political backgrounds
and points of view, we will have different opinions. We started meeting with
the government in November 2013. At that time the leaders who represented
the Tatmadaw were very tense. However, when we talked and had tea together
during the breaks, we discovered that our differences were not so great. It is
important to talk to each other. Therefore, I believe the government and the
Tatmadaw should talk more. I believe a lot in conversations. We should
engage in dialogue. Then, it is also important to reveal what we have discussed
to the public.
In the
peace we are trying to negotiate now, we are not trying to defeat each other,
but to cooperate to find a solution to end the problems of the country, which
have lasted for seven decades. Our approach is to find a solution to the
problems together. If we adopt this approach, there will be no winners and
losers; no one will be right or wrong. I want the Tatmadaw and the government
to come closer together and discuss things. The same is true for the EAOs and
the government; the EAOs make deals not just at formal meetings but also at
informal meetings. Our country has become a democratic one and the government
should create an environment in which we can talk about the peace process to
the media or anyone else. However, we are now working in an environment in
which the terms we have formally agreed to are not observed. It is difficult
but we must not despair; we must try to overcome such difficulties.
KZM: You have mentioned three factors: relations between the
Tatmadaw and the government; between the Tatmadaw and the EAOs; and between the
government and the EAOs. What problems exist among the EAOs themselves? We
cannot say they are united. They have different opinions even on the NCA. What
would you like to say about the EAOs and ethnic parties?
SLH: I think the interpretation of unity in our country is
wrong. The ethnic nationalities are suffering as a result of that mistake. This
is because national unity was the national policy during the period of the
Burma Socialist Programme Party. In implementing the policy, it employed unity
not as a means of achieving the goal but as a goal in itself. It should not
have been the end goal. Unity as a goal can only be implemented under a
dictatorship. A system in which everyone must be united should not exist. That
is quite contrary to a democratic system. People have grown accustomed to this
idea of unity.
KZM: Do you mean that it requires everyone to submit to one
command?
SLH: Yes, to be under one command. Therefore, unity should not
be a goal, it should only be a means. It should be a supporting mechanism to
achieve our goal. This culture also has an impact on the ethnic groups to some
extent. As a result, all-inclusiveness and unity seem to be important. Our
unity should be based on the shared goal of a democratic federal union. It
should not be a goal that will be achieved only if we all are united. Now we
seem to set the goal as unity. There were many such mistakes. I would like to
explain how to build unity by taking the NCA as an example. We need to build
unity in adopting principles concerning what will be included in the agreement
and what they will guarantee for our future. We have been able to do that.
However, the decision on whether to sign the NCA is a matter of
self-determination for each ethnic group, to be considered based on the
interests of each individual group. Therefore, our unity is just in terms of
the NCA. Whether an organization signs it or not is their decision. What we
should understand in building a democratic federal union is the need to agree on
our country’s basic principles and practices. We should be united in finding
such common ground. Here, not just the Tatmadaw and the government need to find
common ground, but also the ethnic groups. The government and the Tatmadaw must
have common cause. When we have adopted such a policy, whether or not a certain
ethnic group signs the NCA is their own matter. It is the same with federalism.
What we are doing wrong is to emphasize all-inclusiveness, not as a means but
as a goal. So I think the interpretation of unity is wrong. On the other hand,
what all our ethnic groups demand is self-determination. True
self-determination means respecting and recognizing the right of every ethnic
group to decide whether to accept it. Doing so does not mean that we are not
united. We need to understand the difference.
KZM: Are some ethnic organizations promoting self-interest
rather than the common ground reached in 2005?
SLH: We
can’t see any evidence to accuse them of that. Let’s go back to the NCA; the
ethnic organizations have to consider the impacts, advantages and disadvantages
of signing the NCA. In my opinion, the decision on whether to sign the NCA
depends on such considerations. Therefore, we will negotiate for democracy and
federal principles. If we can agree on the negotiations, we will sign them as
part of the Union agreement. This must be the basic requirement for amendments,
abolition and addition to all the laws of the country, including the
Constitution.
KZM: When will these things happen? The NLD government has its
own timeframe but has not revealed it publicly. However, the 2020 election is
around the corner. They seemed to have high ambitions ahead of it. When do you
think that situation will happen, in your opinion?
SLH: Politics is as unpredictable as the weather. As I have
just said, [it will happen when] leaders of the country and the ethnic leaders
agree on them.
KZM: Would it happen overnight if they did?
SLH: Absolutely! Why not? We all …
KZM: But it hasn’t happened for 70 years.
SLH: In my opinion, nothing is impossible. What our country
needs is a decisive leader like General Aung San.
KZM: Don’t we have one? What about Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who
was elected by the people?
SLH: Don’t corner me like that. “A leader like Gen. Aung San” could
be the senior-general or Daw Aung San Suu Kyi or the president or an ethnic
leader. I just meant to say that no one has come out to do that so far.
KZM: Thanks a lot Ko Salai. We will have to wait and see when we can restore peace and how fast our leaders can come to a decision. Peace for all depends on them. Thanks.
Source - Irrawaddy News (Burmese Edition)
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